Hindutva fascism Archives – Page 15 of 23

Why BJP won in West Bengal and how to reverse the trend?

Analysis of the reasons that led to the BJP’s upsurge in West Bengal and how to reverse the trend by building up people’s struggle against Hindutva fascism.

Sun, May 26 2019Sun, May 26 2019 Neeladri Mukherjee Politics

Sanjay Gandhi: The tyrant of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty whom Modi loves to forget

Despite attacking the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty on each occasion why does Modi remains quiet on Sanjay Gandhi, the tyrant who ruled India during emergency?

Mon, May 06 2019Mon, May 06 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Opinion

Modi’s tirade against Rajiv Gandhi is not just unethical but below-the-belt for a prime minister

Modi’s recent jibe against former prime minister and Rahul Gandhi’s father Rajiv Gandhi isn’t just unethical for his position but also below-the-belt.

Sun, May 05 2019Sun, May 05 2019 Pramod Singh Politics

Modi-fied code of conduct for Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections?

Election Commission’s shameless Modi defence exhibits mockery of democracy

By offering clean chits to Modi and Amit Shah, the Election Commission has turned the 2019 Lok Sabha election into India’s most farcical election till now.

Sun, May 05 2019Sun, May 05 2019 Editor Editorial

Why BJP’s Babul Supriyo has an edge on the TMC in Asansol?

Though the BJP’s strength is less than the ruling TMC’s in Asansol, Babul Supriyo is confident of retaining the seat thanks to the communal polarisation.

Fri, May 03 2019Fri, May 03 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Modi's #MainBhiChowkidar campaign is a farce

Why brand Modi enjoys the halo of invincibility?

What makes Modi confident of a victory? No, it’s none of his achievements rather a carefully designed perception-building exercise that’s yielding returns

Tue, Apr 30 2019Tue, Apr 30 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Opinion

Sadhvi Pragya Thakur is BJP’s grotesque face behind the development veil

By selecting Sadhvi Pragya Thakur as its candidate, the BJP signalled that the development plank is past and only Hindutva will be its 2019 election weapon.

Sun, Apr 21 2019Sun, Apr 21 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Why Imran Khan wants the Modi regime back?

Despite Narendra Modi’s fiery speeches against Pakistan, the government of the neighbouring country needs Modi back to power to meet Islamabad’s goals

Mon, Apr 15 2019Mon, Apr 15 2019 Soumo Mondal Opinion

Modi's war rhetoric rooted in middle class's military obeisance

India, here are a few other men in uniform to remember while voting

While Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seeking votes in the name of soldiers and surgical strike, we here bring some unpleasant stories of men in uniform.

Mon, Apr 15 2019Mon, Apr 15 2019 Editor Editorial

Modi's denial to acknowledge Hindu terror is an attempt to shield Hindutva terror

Modi’s “Hindu Terrorism” denial can’t shield Hindutva terrorism’s existence

Modi’s vehement denial of anything called “Hindu terrorism” is actually a frantic attempt to shield Hindutva fascism by equating it with Hindu faith.

Tue, Apr 09 2019Tue, Apr 09 2019 People's Review Politics

Vijay Rupani's Pakistan fireworks remarks is a sign that Gujarat model is no more a bait to lure the voters

Vijay Rupani’s fireworks in Pakistan if BJP loses jibe proves Gujarat Model no more working

Now that the Gujarat Model can’t be dangled before the people to fool them, the BJP is back to its Pakistan fireworks rhetoric to even win polls in Gujarat.

Tue, Apr 09 2019Tue, Apr 09 2019 Editor Editorial

The world has been mourning the white-supremacist fascist terrorist attack on two mosques in New Zealand’s Christchurch on 15 March 2019, where 50 Muslims were killed when they were offering their Friday congregational prayer. However, unsurprisingly, the RSS-led Indian Hindutva fascist terrorist camp celebrated the incident with much fanfare, like the western white-supremacists and the Zionist terrorists. Many of the prominent Hindutva fascism supporters, rabble-rousers and social-media influencers, who support the incumbent Narendra Modi-led BJP government, shamelessly defended the terrorist attack on the Muslims by vilifying the community as a harbinger of terrorism and violence. Banned by the micro-blogging site Twitter for hate speech earlier, a certain advocate was found featuring in a video shared by Hindutva thugs, in which he tried to legitimise the Christchurch terror attack and build up support for the white-supremacist fascist terrorism that’s blistering at an epidemic proportion throughout Europe, North America and Australia. Many other Hindutva flag bearers were found lambasting the Muslim community for purportedly waging a “jihad” against the non-Muslim world by citing western propaganda and justified the terror strike as a method to resolve the problem. These type of propaganda became viral on social media platform Facebook as well. Though these platforms worked swiftly to delete the video of the terrorist attack, nothing was done to curb hate speech and profanity that was spewed by the Indian Hindutva fascist terrorists on social media. No action was taken by the Indian government’s security agency against these communal vitriol mongers and terrorism supporters, though it’s claimed that India has “zero tolerance policy against terrorism”. What stopped the government machinery from taking action against the culprits if not an open pact with them? This display of unapologetic hatred against Muslims isn’t an isolated incident or a deed of few fringe elements, rather, as an institution, the Indian government and the state machinery endorse the jaundiced views of these Hindutva fascist terrorists. As these narratives go quite well with the ruling party’s political line and its poll propaganda, therefore, the state machinery unapologetically stood behind those who openly expressed their support for a terrorist killing Muslims in New Zealand. Prime minister Modi wrote a letter of condolence to the New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, calling the attack an “act of terrorism” and expressed his grief. This was an official letter and was written following due protocols as the head of the government. However, as Modi has turned social media, especially Twitter, into his default press release publisher, it was expected that apart from a letter to his Kiwi counterpart, the prime minister would at least tweet a few lines condemning the terrorist act by using the same cliche that he reiterates whenever the menace of terrorism strikes anywhere in the world. Alas! Such a tweet became a lacuna in the prime minister’s daily communication, despite reports of seven to nine Indian citizens being killed in the terrorist attack. The prime minister disappointed those who expected such a condemnation of white-supremacist terrorism from someone like him when the elections are less than a month away and the support of the hardcore Hindutva fascist elements and ruling classes is quite essential for the BJP to retain its dominance over India. Not a single word of condemnation of the terrorist attack on Christchurch came from Modi; even his government didn’t take any action against those who have been justifying the barbaric crime on social media and internet. The BJP or the RSS didn’t say what actions it will take against those who have been celebrating the New Zealand terror attack. This nonchalant attitude isn’t quite surprising to any non-liberal sane mind that’s aware of the intricacies of Indian politics. What keeps Modi silent on the issue of such a terror attack that has killed people of his own country? Why Modi and the Hindutva fascist camp have not condemned the Christchurch terror attack? Why are the Hindutva fascists celebrating a white-supremacist terror attack, when the killer’s manifesto names Indians as one of the major threats to European civilisation apart from Chinese and Turks? How can someone celebrate the killing of their own by a foreign terrorist? The answer to these questions lies in the toxic political ideology of Hindutva fascism and its severe effect on the minds of the Hindutva indoctrinated terror-mongers. To understand the complicity between the white-supremacist fascism and Hindutva fascism, one needs to delve deep into the history of fascism globally and its influence on India. The Hindutva fascism isn’t a monolithic block that can be defined by citing the example of the Modi regime or its parental body — the RSS — which is called the fountainhead of Hindutva fascism. It’s a fascist ideology, that’s a collaborative project in which each has provided according to their own to put up a large canvas, saffron and grotesquely reactionary. The Hindu, Hindu Nationalism and Hindutva Fascism Like evolution of species, before the multitude of Hindutva fascist organisations following a rickety narrative came into existence, the religion named “Hindu” was formed by the British colonial rulers when they started enacting laws according to religious customs of all major sects and communities in India. The British colonial rulers’ categorisation of the Hindu religion, absolving all non-Abrahamic faiths in it, including different religions like Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism and the pagan tribes, was driven by the Brahminical upper-caste feudal landlords and comprador capitalists’ aspiration to remain in the “majority community” despite being numerically inferior vis-a-vis the Bahujans, ie the ostracised Dalits, the lower-caste shudras, the tribal people, Muslims, Christians and followers of other non-Brahminical religions. To hold the compartmentalised caste blocks together and promote the interests of the comprador upper-caste Hindu capitalists, it became necessary to carry out some reformation of the religion. Thus, from the Arya Samaj movement to Vivekananda’s Hindu arousal movement, all started under the aegis of British imperialism. A peculiar character of the Indian comprador bourgeoisie, who were born out of the colonial womb, has been their liberalism regarding economy while adhering to strict feudal conservatism in the spheres of politics, society, etc. Both Hindu and Muslim social-reformers of the 19th century, portrayed as the “pioneers of Indian renaissance” by the Indian rulers so far, have been socially conservative. Yet, those among them who opposed some social evils like sati system or advocated women’s education, like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, had to face strong vitriol from the conservative ruling blocs, despite having the patronage of the colonial rulers. It was at the beginning of the 20th century, when a popular movement started in the Bengal province against the evil design of the British imperialism to divide the province into two parts with a divisive communal agenda, that the need to distract and deviate any nationalist outrage was felt by the British rulers. The upper-caste Bengali Bhadralok community began a massive movement in the urban areas, burning British commodities, and many taking to militant revolutionary struggle by assassinating British government staffs to oppose the colonial hegemony. The frightened British imperialists first tried to suppress the movement by unleashing state violence, failing which they tried to ensure that the Muslims are segregated from the Hindus, who were at the forefront waging the struggle, by forming the Muslim League in 1906. With the formation of the Muslim League it became easy for the British colonial rulers to spew communal hatred among the people and incite riots. The Muslim League adopted the Two Nation Theory propounded by Sir Khan in the 19th century, which gave an opportunity to the British imperialism to vilify the Muslims as enemies of Hindus and thereby paved the way for the Hindu Mahasabha, founded in 1915 by turncoat revolutionary VD Savarkar, along with Hindu comprador bourgeoisie like Madan Mohan Malviya and Lala Lajpat Rai, a disgruntled Congress leader. The Hindu Mahasabha laid the foundation of the Hindutva fascism at least a decade before the formation of the RSS and had been a major political force in India until the 1960s, when it was finally cast into oblivion by the RSS’s rise. VD Savarkar coined the term — Hindutva — by mixing Hindu identity with the nationality of an Indian nation, which has been since depicted as a goddess. Bengali upper-caste bureaucrat-turned-author Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s fictitious work Anandamath, which played a crucial part in arousing the anti-colonial nationalist fervour among petty-bourgeois revolutionaries, was used by Hindu Mahasabha to build up its version of nationalism. The Hindu nationalist idea, which earlier played a progressive role in arousing the Bhadralok community against foreign oppression, became a reactionary weapon under the Hindutva fanatics, who — as stooges of British imperialism — used the occasion to deprive it of any revolutionary and anti-colonial essence. The Hindu nationalism used fictitious claims from the Anandamath and other sources to depict the narrative of a glorious Hindu past of an Akhand Bharat, a land from where the Aryans, claimed to be the superior race, originated and spread all over the world. It was claimed that the real enemies of the Hindu nation was the Muslims and Christians, who have stolen the wealth and glory of the Hindus. It called for a revival of the Hindu culture and restoration of a Hindu state founded on Brahminical hegemony. A Hindu goddess Bharat Mata, narrated in Anandamath and earlier revered by revolutionary militants, was turned into a cult for Hindu nationalists and Vande Mataram, a song in the fiction, became the war cry, with even the Congress using it as its slogan. Following the international fascism’s trait in later years, the Bharat Mata, a vulnerable woman and mother, was shown under threat from the “other” — ie the Muslims, Christians and those who are secular. The threat quotient was intensified to spread the xenophobia, which is still continuing, and the Hindu “sons” of the vulnerable Bharat Mata are called upon, even now, to save her honour from the Muslims, Christians and other enemies. The concept of Bharat Mata, plagiarised from Chattopadhyay’s Anandamath, is used in a sheer patriarchal way to show women as weak, vulnerable and in need of masculine protection. This patriarchal and feudal masculinity, quintessential of the Hindutva’s Hindu, has been an aspiration for generations of Hindutva fanatics across different organisations to become feral and boisterous. However, though the Hindu Mahasabha and the Muslim League were quite well splitting the Indian people on religious lines to weaken the anti-colonial struggle, the 1917 November Revolution in Russia and the growth of Bolshevik revolutionary theory, which started weaning a large number of youth, frightened the British imperialism, which took up the task of building a militant organisation to thwart the menace of communism and foment communal trouble. To serve this goal, the British colonial rule and its infamous Intelligence Bureau (IB) formed the RSS with turncoat nationalists from Brahminical castes at its helm in 1925. Since then, in the last 94 years, the organisation have been a crucial support system for colonial and neo-colonial rule in India. One of the major differences between the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, despite their similarities in many other things, has been the RSS’s strategy of building a movement from the grassroots calling for a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu Nation) and the Hindu Mahasabha’s frantic attempt to replace the Congress and become the political alternative for the upper-caste Hindu feudal landlords and comprador capitalists of colonised India. Other differences were over leadership, strategy and tactics of the two organisations. While the Hindu Mahasabha unapologetically spilled the beans and shared its political vision of getting a share of state power from the British imperialism, the RSS wanted to work from the backstage and use different offshoot political outfits for ventriloquism in the political sphere.

Part III: Understanding Hindutva fascism’s support for white-supremacist fascism

The final part of the three-series long understanding of the dirty nexus between Hindutva fascism and white supremacist fascist terror of the west.

Mon, Mar 25 2019Mon, Mar 25 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Part II: Understanding Hindutva fascism’s support for white-supremacist fascism

Part 2 of the special series, we will delve into the historic growth of Indian fascism — the Hindutva fascism — and its ties with global fascist movement.

Fri, Mar 22 2019Sat, Mar 23 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Understanding Hindutva fascism’s support for white-supremacist fascism

In this special series, we will delve into the historic growth of Indian fascism — the Hindutva fascism — and its ties with global fascist movement with which it shares […]

Thu, Mar 21 2019Thu, Mar 21 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Can Modi's war propaganda hide real problems for long?

Can Modi’s war propaganda hide the real problems for long?

On all media platforms the Modi regime and its sycophants are gloating over successful “Surgical Strike 2.0”. Can they hide the unemployment issue for long?

Sat, Mar 09 2019Sat, Mar 09 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Modi regime’s war rhetoric rooted in Indian middle class’s military worship

The Indian middle class is infamous for its mediocrity and uncritical support to the military establishment, which the Modi regime is now exploiting.

Sat, Mar 09 2019Sat, Mar 09 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Opinion

BJP’s attempt to derive political mileage from Pulwama attack reminds of 2002 Gujarat

Modi has done dead body politics in the post-Godhara period to instigate communal frenzy, the same strategy is used to capitalise the Pulwama attack.

Mon, Feb 18 2019Mon, Feb 18 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Better to question Hindutva fascism over Pulwama than to be fed lies

It’s important to question Hindutva fascist narrative on Pulwama and Kashmir

The narrative over the Pulwama attack and its many loopholes raise serious doubts about a greater conspiracy and points the needle of suspicion towards BJP

Sat, Feb 16 2019Sat, Feb 16 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Opinion

Modi regime attempting to use Pulwama attack to target dissenters

Modi regime is using the Pulwama militant attack to launch a new spree of attack against the dissenters and opponents by using jingoism as its weapon.

Sat, Feb 16 2019Sat, Feb 16 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Politics

Aligarh Muslim University students protest against the Republic TV's vitriol against the institution

Republic TV’s vitriol against Aligarh Muslim University is old wine in new bottle

The malicious propaganda and vilification of the Aligarh Muslim University and its students by the Hindutva fascist Republic TV is a part of a vile agenda.

Sat, Feb 16 2019Sat, Feb 16 2019 Tanmoy Ibrahim Youth & Campus